
In a by-election decided by the slimmest majority on record, Reform UK flexes its muscles and rattles Labour’s “red wall” — proving every vote really packs a punch.
On the evening of May 2, 2025, Britain’s nascent Reform UK party delivered a seismic jolt to Westminster insiders by clinching the Runcorn and Helsby parliamentary constituency by a razor-thin margin of just six votes—the slimmest majority ever recorded in a UK by-election. The result overturned a Labour bulwark that, only ten months earlier, boasted a 14,696-vote cushion, transforming what had been viewed as solid political bedrock into unpredictable terrain overnight. Pundits and party strategists alike now concede that even the smallest shifts in voter sentiment can reshape presumed blue and red heartlands into battlegrounds.
The by-election was triggered by the resignation of Mike Amesbury, the former Labour MP who had held the seat since 2024 after representing adjacent Weaver Vale since 2017. In February, Amesbury was convicted of assaulting a constituent in a late-night altercation—later reduced to a suspended sentence on appeal—and under the Recall of MPs Act 2015 this would have initiated a petition. Opting instead to stand down on March 17, 2025, he cleared the way for voters to head to the polls on May 1, alongside a broad swathe of local contests across England.
Despite its mid-term timing and association with local elections, turnout defied expectations, clocking in at roughly 46.2% according to official returns and 46.33% in some tallies—a modest surge compared to typical off-cycle contests. Electoral officials and local campaigners credit the heightened profile of Reform UK leader Nigel Farage’s anticipated presence at count venues and a fiercely organised ground campaign for galvanising more residents out of political apathy than might otherwise have participated in a single-seat race.
Inside the Halton Stadium count centre, Farage was all smiles as candidate Sarah Pochin—once a Conservative councillor—staged a dramatic comeback, becoming the first non-Labour MP for Runcorn in over fifty years. “This has been a huge night for Reform,” Farage told cheering supporters, casting Labour’s erstwhile heartland as a collapsed vote bank and pronouncing the Conservatives “toast.” Pochin’s share of the vote leapt by over 20 percentage points compared to last summer’s general election, underlining the scale of the overturn, and it seems sometimes in politics the littlest details pack the biggest punch—in this case, a six-pack of votes that will no doubt earn its own chapter in electoral folklore.
The Runcorn result was only part of Reform’s broader local election coup. On the same day, the party notched two freshly minted mayoralties—in Greater Lincolnshire and Hull and East Yorkshire—and wrested control of multiple county councils, including Kent, Derbyshire, Durham and Nottinghamshire. Official tallies show Reform UK topping the vote share in dozens of council races and turning erstwhile Tory- and Labour-held chambers into new laboratories for its brand of anti-establishment populism. This wave of grassroots victories hints at a party network extending far beyond headline-grabbing by-elections.
Labour’s leadership was left to pick up the pieces after Sir Keir Starmer—who had ridden into office with one of the largest Commons majorities less than a year ago—admitted the by-election was “disappointing” and pledged to learn from voter feedback. “I get it,” Starmer conceded, acknowledging that government measures such as raising taxes and axing winter fuel payments have strained household finances. The razor-thin defeat may act as a frosty wake-up call, reminding Labour that warmed-over policy tweaks alone won’t thaw the resentment simmering in the country’s former red-wall territories.
Even as Reform UK celebrates its headline-grabbing by-election haul, veteran commentators urge a tempered outlook. Simon Jenkins of The Guardian argues that historic third-party surges—from the Liberals of the 1960s to the SDP in the 1980s—rarely translate into lasting general election breakthroughs under Britain’s first-past-the-post system. He cautions that while Reform may have gate-crashed this local contest, its capacity to replicate such feats on a national scale remains unproven. Reform insiders counter that this by-election served as a dress rehearsal for the next general election, due by 2029, where they hope to parlay grassroots gains into seats en masse; however, the road to Downing Street is hardly a six-lane highway.